Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world. And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem.
在眾多問題上，我們的安全與世界緊密相關(guān)，氣候變化只是其一。因此，我們需要回答的第三個大問題是：怎樣在不被孤立、不充當(dāng)世界警察的情況下，保持美國的安全和強大？

I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that's the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead – they call us.
剛才我說了，所有認為美國經(jīng)濟衰退的言論都是政治性的大話。所有你聽到的關(guān)于美國的敵人越來越強大、而美國卻越發(fā)虛弱的言論，都是逞口舌之能。美利堅合眾國是世界上最強大的國家。無需其他任何廢話。而且我們還會一直強大下去。我們的軍費投入比排在我們后面的八個國家的總和還多。我們的部隊是世界歷史上最精銳的戰(zhàn)斗力量。沒有任何國家敢攻擊美國或者美國的盟國，因為他們知道那是自取滅亡。有調(diào)查顯示，目前美國的國際地位高于我當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)之初。當(dāng)重大國際問題出現(xiàn)時，世界人民不會指望中國或俄羅斯來領(lǐng)頭解決，他們會找我們。

As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. In today's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy in transition. Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria – states they see slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.
我每天的工作從聽取情報簡報開始，因此我知道現(xiàn)在是一個危險時期。但這并不是因為美國力量的削弱，或者某個超級大國的崛起。在當(dāng)今世界，與其說邪惡獨裁國對我們構(gòu)成威脅，不如說經(jīng)濟衰退國對我們的影響更大。中東正在經(jīng)歷一場將持續(xù)二三十年的大變革，其發(fā)生的根源可追溯至一千年前的沖突。中國經(jīng)濟的轉(zhuǎn)型正在對我們產(chǎn)生沖擊。盡管面臨自身經(jīng)濟衰退，俄羅斯依舊投入大量資源到烏克蘭和敘利亞——這兩個正脫離正常軌道的國家。二戰(zhàn)以后我們建立的國際體系如今難以適應(yīng)新形勢的需要。

It's up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.
我們有責(zé)任重建國際體系。而這意味著，我們必須對事務(wù)進行優(yōu)先排序。

Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; they undermine our allies.
美國政府的首要任務(wù)是保護美國人民，打擊恐怖主義網(wǎng)絡(luò)。基地組織和“伊斯蘭國”都直接威脅到美國人民的安全——在當(dāng)今世界，哪怕只有一小撮無視他人和自己生命的恐怖分子，也會造成巨大危害。他們利用網(wǎng)絡(luò)毒害美國境內(nèi)人們的思想；他們破壞我們和盟友的關(guān)系。

But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But they do not threaten our national existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world's largest religions. We just need to call them what they are – killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.
但當(dāng)我們集中精力消滅“伊斯蘭國”時，卻有人言過其實地說這是第三次世界大戰(zhàn)。這種說法正中某些人下懷。許多武裝分子登上皮卡車，靈魂扭曲的人在公寓或車庫里謀劃著生命著——這些都對平民構(gòu)成巨大威脅，必須予以制止。但恐怖分子并沒有威脅到美國的“國家存在”。這就是“伊斯蘭國”想要透露出來的信息；這是他們招募恐怖分子時的宣傳伎倆。我們不能先壯大他們?nèi)缓箫@示我們可以來真的；也不能中了“伊斯蘭國代表世界最大宗教之一”的圈套，導(dǎo)致在這場斗爭中重要盟友離我們遠去。我們要認清他們的真面目——他們就是殺手、瘋子，必須予以追蹤、緝捕并摧毀。

That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.
而這恰恰是我們正在做的事情。過去一年多，美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)著60多個國家的聯(lián)盟，切斷“伊斯蘭國”的資金來源，發(fā)掘他們的陰謀詭計，阻止武裝分子的人員流動，消除他們邪惡意識形態(tài)的影響。我們發(fā)動了近萬次空襲，除掉他們的恐怖頭目，破壞他們的石油供給，搗毀他們的訓(xùn)練營和武器。我們?yōu)檎谥鸩綂Z回伊拉克和敘利亞領(lǐng)土的武裝力量提供培訓(xùn)、武器裝備和其他支持。

If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment – or mine – to see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit.
如果本屆國會真的希望贏得這場戰(zhàn)爭，同時向我們的軍隊和整個世界傳達反恐決心，你們就應(yīng)該授權(quán)軍事力量介入對抗“伊斯蘭國”?？梢酝镀北頉Q。但美國人民應(yīng)當(dāng)知道，無論國會是否行動，伊斯蘭國也必將和以往的恐怖分子一樣，得到應(yīng)有的懲罰。如果你們懷疑美國或是我個人伸張正義的決心，不妨問問奧薩馬?本?拉登。問問去年被擊斃的也門基地組織頭目，或者已成階下囚的班加西事件主謀。如果你和美國過不去，美國絕不會放過你。這可能需要一些時間，但我們的記憶力很好，我們的打擊沒有時限。

Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stop there. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world – in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia. Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the world stage.
我們的外交政策焦點是“伊斯蘭國”和基地組織的威脅，但并不僅限于此。因為即使沒有“伊斯蘭國”，未來幾十年里，全球許多地區(qū)（包括中東、阿富汗和巴基斯坦、中美洲部分地區(qū)、非洲和亞洲）仍將動蕩不安。它們中的有些地方有可能變成新的恐怖主義溫床；有些則會深陷民族沖突或大饑荒，滋生新一輪難民潮。世界人民會指望我們?nèi)ソ鉀Q這些問題，我們的回應(yīng)不能只是嘴上功夫：不斷使用強硬的措辭，做給平民們看。這種回應(yīng)可能在電視新聞上起點作用，但世界人民感受不到切實的鼓舞。

We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That's not leadership; that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us. It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq – and we should have learned it by now.
我們也不能接管和重建每個陷入危機的國家。那不是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力，那樣只會將我們拖入泥潭，白白浪費美國人民的熱血和財富，最終削弱我們自己。這是越戰(zhàn)和伊戰(zhàn)給我們的教訓(xùn)——我們早該銘記在心。

Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.
幸運的是，我們有更明智的辦法。這是一個耐心、克制的策略，能充分發(fā)揮國家的每一分力量。這個策略就是：美國一定會采取行動——必要時單獨行動——以保護我們的人民和盟友；但在全球共同關(guān)注的問題上，我們會動員全世界與我們一起行動，確保其他國家也盡到自己的職責(zé)。

That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.
這就是我們應(yīng)對敘利亞等沖突時采取的方法：我們與當(dāng)?shù)剀婈牶献?，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)所有國際力量，共同幫助這個千瘡百孔的社會實現(xiàn)長久和平。

That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.
這就是為什么我們要建立全球聯(lián)盟，通過制裁和有原則的外交手段防止伊朗擁有核武器?，F(xiàn)在，伊朗已放棄核項目，運出濃縮鈾儲備，世界避免了又一場戰(zhàn)爭的爆發(fā)。

That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic.
這也是我們在西非阻止埃博拉病毒傳播時采取的方法。我們的軍隊、醫(yī)生和研究人員先搭好平臺，然后集結(jié)其他國家加入抗擊埃博拉的戰(zhàn)役。

That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region, we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it.
這還是我們建立跨太平洋伙伴關(guān)系協(xié)定（TPP）時采取的方法。該協(xié)定能打開市場、保護工人利益、保護環(huán)境，還能增強美國在亞洲的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。它將取消針對18000種美國制造商品征收的關(guān)稅，創(chuàng)造更多優(yōu)質(zhì)就業(yè)機會。在TPP協(xié)定下，中國不再是當(dāng)?shù)刭Q(mào)易規(guī)則的制定者，我們才是。你們想要美國在本世紀展現(xiàn)它的強大國力？那么就通過這一協(xié)議。給我們執(zhí)行協(xié)議的工具。

Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo.
孤立古巴的50年未能推進這一地區(qū)的民主進程，反而削弱了我們在拉丁美洲的影響力。這就是為什么我們要恢復(fù)與古巴的外交關(guān)系，開啟旅游和經(jīng)商之門，幫助改善古巴人民的生活。你們想要鞏固我們在南半球的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力和可信度？那么就承認冷戰(zhàn)已經(jīng)結(jié)束，解除禁運吧。

American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world – except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change – that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria – something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.
21世紀，美國體現(xiàn)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力的方式并非只有下面兩個選擇：除了打擊恐怖主義，再不關(guān)心其他世界事務(wù)；抑或，占領(lǐng)和重建每個正在土崩瓦解的社會。領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力意味著明智地運用武力，團結(jié)全世界的力量實現(xiàn)偉大目標。它意味著將海外援助視為國家安全的一部分，而非施舍。當(dāng)我們領(lǐng)導(dǎo)近200個國家簽署史上最具雄心的氣候協(xié)議時，不僅幫助了易受氣候變化影響的國家，也在造福我們的后代。我們協(xié)助烏克蘭捍衛(wèi)民主，我們幫助哥倫比亞結(jié)束長達十年的戰(zhàn)爭——這同時也鞏固了我們賴以發(fā)展的國際秩序。當(dāng)我們幫非洲國家解決饑荒、抗擊病疫時，我們也防止了下一場大規(guī)模疫情危及美國。目前，我們正努力消除艾滋病帶來的危害，我們也有能力消滅瘧疾——這也是今年我會督促本屆國會資助的項目。

That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it's expensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.
這才是國力，這才是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。這種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力需要美國做出表率。這就是為什么我一直致力于關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄：這一監(jiān)獄耗資巨大，沒有必要，只會為我們的敵人繼續(xù)招兵買馬提供說辭。

That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. This isn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that "to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place." When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a country.
這就是我們不該在政治上以人種和宗教區(qū)分別人的原因。這不是政治正確性的問題，而是我們必須知道美國強大的原因。世界敬重我們并非因為我們武力強大，而是因為我們的種族多樣性，因為我們的包容和對每種信仰的尊重。教宗方濟各曾站在這個講臺上和在座的議員說過：“如果你像暴君和殺人犯一樣充滿仇恨和暴力，那你也會很快成為他們那樣的人?！庇械恼渭椅耆枘滤沽?，有人肆意破壞清真寺，有孩童受到欺辱……這些都不會讓我們的國家更安全。我們美國人不應(yīng)該是這樣的人。這種做法大錯特錯。它貶低了我們在世界眼中的形象，讓我們更難達成目標。而且它背離了美國的國家本質(zhì)。